Again, are you reading the journal article, or the research?
http://www.cell.com/current-biology/pdf/S0960-9822(15)01167-7.pdf
To examine the influence of religion on the expression of
altruism, we used a resource allocation task, the dictator
game, in a large, diverse, and cross-cultural sample of children
(n = 1,170, ages 5–12) from Chicago (USA), Toronto (Canada),
Amman (Jordan), Izmir and Istanbul (Turkey), Cape Town (South
Africa), and Guangzhou (China). Consistent with literature in the
development of generosity, age in years was predictive of the to-
tal resources shared (
r
= 0.408, p < 0.001) [
4, 6
], but the religious
rearing environment fundamentally shaped how their altruism
was expressed.
In our sample, 23.9% of households identified as Christian (n =
280), 43% as Muslim (n = 510), 27.6% as not religious (n = 323),
2.5% as Jewish (n = 29), 1.6% as Buddhist (n = 18), 0.4% as
Hindu (n = 5), 0.2% as agnostic (n = 3), and 0.5% as other (n =
6). Results from an independent samples t test, comparing
altruism in children from religiously identifying (
M
sharing
= 3.25,
SD = 2.46) and non-religiously identifying (
M
sharing
= 4.11, SD =
2.48) households indicated significantly less sharing in the
former than the latter (p < 0.001). To further investigate these
effects within specific religions, three large groupings werreligious identification on meanness rating (
F
(2, 767) = 6.521, p =
0.002,
h
2
= 0.017;
Figure 3
). Post hoc Bonferroni-corrected
paired comparisons showed that children in Muslim households
judged interpersonal harm as more mean than children from
Christian (p < 0.005) and non-religious (p < 0.001) households,
and children from Christian households judged interpersonal
harm as more mean than children from non-religious households
(p < 0.01). Moreover, children from religious households also
differ in their ratings of deserved punishment for interpersonal
harm (
F
(2, 847) = 5.80, p < 0.01,
h
2
= 0.014); this was qualified
by significantly harsher ratings of punishment by children from
Muslim households than children from non-religious households
(p < 0.01). There were no significant differences between chil-
dren from Christian households and non-religious households.
Religiousness positively predicted parent-reported child
sensitivity to injustice and child empathy, even after accounting
for age, SES, and country of origin (
b
standardized
= 0.194, p <
0.001;
b
standardized
= 0.89, p < 0.01, respectively). Results from
a univariate analysis of variance, with parent-reported justice
sensitivity as the dependent variable and religious identification
as the independent variable and age, SES, and country of origin
as the covariates, revealed a significant main effect of religious
identification on children’s justice sensitivity (
F
(2,795) = 15.44,
p < 0.001,
h
2
= 0.04;
Figure 4
). Children from Christian house-
holds were significantly higher in parent-rated justice sensitivity
than children from Muslim households (p < 0.001) and non-reli-
gious households (p < 0.001).
http://www.cell.com/current-biology/pdf/S0960-9822(15)01167-7.pdf
To examine the influence of religion on the expression of
altruism, we used a resource allocation task, the dictator
game, in a large, diverse, and cross-cultural sample of children
(n = 1,170, ages 5–12) from Chicago (USA), Toronto (Canada),
Amman (Jordan), Izmir and Istanbul (Turkey), Cape Town (South
Africa), and Guangzhou (China). Consistent with literature in the
development of generosity, age in years was predictive of the to-
tal resources shared (
r
= 0.408, p < 0.001) [
4, 6
], but the religious
rearing environment fundamentally shaped how their altruism
was expressed.
In our sample, 23.9% of households identified as Christian (n =
280), 43% as Muslim (n = 510), 27.6% as not religious (n = 323),
2.5% as Jewish (n = 29), 1.6% as Buddhist (n = 18), 0.4% as
Hindu (n = 5), 0.2% as agnostic (n = 3), and 0.5% as other (n =
6). Results from an independent samples t test, comparing
altruism in children from religiously identifying (
M
sharing
= 3.25,
SD = 2.46) and non-religiously identifying (
M
sharing
= 4.11, SD =
2.48) households indicated significantly less sharing in the
former than the latter (p < 0.001). To further investigate these
effects within specific religions, three large groupings werreligious identification on meanness rating (
F
(2, 767) = 6.521, p =
0.002,
h
2
= 0.017;
Figure 3
). Post hoc Bonferroni-corrected
paired comparisons showed that children in Muslim households
judged interpersonal harm as more mean than children from
Christian (p < 0.005) and non-religious (p < 0.001) households,
and children from Christian households judged interpersonal
harm as more mean than children from non-religious households
(p < 0.01). Moreover, children from religious households also
differ in their ratings of deserved punishment for interpersonal
harm (
F
(2, 847) = 5.80, p < 0.01,
h
2
= 0.014); this was qualified
by significantly harsher ratings of punishment by children from
Muslim households than children from non-religious households
(p < 0.01). There were no significant differences between chil-
dren from Christian households and non-religious households.
Religiousness positively predicted parent-reported child
sensitivity to injustice and child empathy, even after accounting
for age, SES, and country of origin (
b
standardized
= 0.194, p <
0.001;
b
standardized
= 0.89, p < 0.01, respectively). Results from
a univariate analysis of variance, with parent-reported justice
sensitivity as the dependent variable and religious identification
as the independent variable and age, SES, and country of origin
as the covariates, revealed a significant main effect of religious
identification on children’s justice sensitivity (
F
(2,795) = 15.44,
p < 0.001,
h
2
= 0.04;
Figure 4
). Children from Christian house-
holds were significantly higher in parent-rated justice sensitivity
than children from Muslim households (p < 0.001) and non-reli-
gious households (p < 0.001).
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